Daesh, also known as the “Islamic State,” is a very unusual
kind of political entity. Notably, it has no visible foreign policy and no
allies. Nor, given its behavior, does it even have the prospect of building any
kind of alliance. Even the most analogous state, North Korea, has commercial
and political agreements with a neighbor. And, given that the neighbor in
question is China, that’s consequential. Daesh, by contrast, is in a state of
extreme hostility if not actual warfare with all of its neighbors and, unlike
North Korea, has no direct access to the sea.
Given that Daesh is poor, surrounded, universally reviled
and with no plausible strategy to reverse these circumstances, its days as a
viable political entity have been numbered since it was created.
The news today, March 24 of 2016, makes one wonder if Daesh’s
end times aren’t beginning and if the final days of its state-like functions
aren’t just months away.
The news today carries two key points: 1) Syrian forces have taken, or are about to
retake Palmyra; and 2) Iraqi forces have begun to move toward Mosul from the
south. If sustained, these two events should be very consequential and should
most likely lead to quick change. “Quick” means months.
The Syrian movement is important because Assad’s regime has
mostly tolerated Daesh. Assad has even traded with this bitter enemy because he
sees other Sunni groups as greater immediate dangers. However, with a recent string
of advances -- together with a truce – effectively holding these other
opponents at bay, Damascus can now unleash a lot of power on its Islamist enemy.
For the first time, Daesh will face serious pressure from the west.
At the same time, it appears the US finally considers the
Iraqi army ready enough to begin a drive toward Mosul, a move that is likely to
soon lead to a similar push by Iraqi Kurds from the north. Syrian Kurds, aka the
YPG, will also likely attack from the north toward Raqqa.
These simultaneous advances should reveal Daesh’s core weakness: the inability to hold static positions against
any substantial opponent.
Until now, Daesh has avoided devastation from US air power by virtue of being thinly spread out
across large areas of desert and semi-desert. But, once confronted with a
superior force on the ground, that strategy will no longer work. Daesh’s forces
will finally need to either concentrate, in which case they’ll be devastated by
air power, or else stay spread out and retreat -- fast.
The experience of Kobane is instructive in this regard.
Daesh swept toward this Turkish border town, meeting only weak and scattered
resistance. Once in the town, though, the Kurds regrouped and held small areas
that they were able to fortify. To attack these minor redoubts, Daesh needed to
concentrate its forces and did so. But this made them visible to US bombers,
the more so because the local Kurds quickly became efficient at spotting
targets and radioing coordinates to the pilots and drone controllers. A very
similar scenario occurred not long ago in Kosovo, where Serbian forces were
lightly affected by NATO’s air campaign until they had to face a small
attacking army on the ground. The Serbs gathered forces in response and the
resulting losses from air attacks caused Slobodan Milosevic to negotiate an
almost immediate surrender.
Movement of the Syrian, Iraqi, and Kurdish forces should
create a series of Kobanes, as Daesh suffers huge casualties trying to defend
territory. A very likely strategy for them will be to try to take populated
areas hostage, slowing the overall advance as the attackers are required to
retake towns building by building.
In this circumstance, it’s likely that the various forces,
but especially the Iraqi army with its US advisors, will employ a version of
General Douglas MacArthur’s “island hopping” strategy in WW II. Since Daesh’s
actual numbers are small, and since its troops are lightly armed, it’s probable
that the advancing army will have to leave only fairly small forces behind to protect
against forays from surrounded towns.
At this point we should start to see large numbers of
defectors. Most of the defenders of towns and villages will be locals who have
been conscripted. As many of the militants melt away toward Raqqa or Mosul, the
locals will see the opportunity to seize control – a safe choice because they’ll
know that Daesh can no longer send forces to retake an area.
Unfortunately, this process of peaceful takeover is not likely
to affect the larger cities – the twin Daesh capitals of Raqqa and Mosul. In
both places, the fanatics will probably have sufficient power to keep the local
population in check. Daesh’s leaders will then threaten a massacre of all
civilians unless given some kind of safe conduct. They will punctuate their
demands with a last gasp wave of terror attacks in the West.
Given that these cities don’t have much in the way of food, water,
medicine and other resources at hand, negotiations won’t last long.
I can’t predict the outcome of Daesh’s last stand except
that it will be the final act of a long tragedy. The only possible good from
all this is that, when some future group that is angry about its treatment
considers options, it will reject the demand of extremists for a violent path.
Addendum (3-29-2016) The original text omitted the thought that the siege of Raqqa is likely to be more complex if both Syrian government and Free Syrian Army forces approach at the same time. It's unlikely these two groups will easily agree on who does what and more important on who gets what. In any case, I don't believe Kurdish soldiers will attempt to enter the city proper.
Addendum (3-29-2016) The original text omitted the thought that the siege of Raqqa is likely to be more complex if both Syrian government and Free Syrian Army forces approach at the same time. It's unlikely these two groups will easily agree on who does what and more important on who gets what. In any case, I don't believe Kurdish soldiers will attempt to enter the city proper.